| 2026年1月20日、カナダのカーニー首相がダボス会議(世界経済フォーラム年次総会)でおこなった演説を、WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM のホームページから書き写しました。 |
Thank you very much, Larry. I’m
going to start in French, and then I’ll switch back to English.
[The following is translated from French]
Thank you, Larry. It is both a
pleasure, and a duty, to be with you tonight in this pivotal moment that
Canada and the world going through.
Today I will talk about a
rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the
beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main
power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.
On the other hand, I would
like to tell you that the other countries, especially intermediate
powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a
new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights,
sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial
integrity of the various states.
The power of the less power
starts with honesty.
[Camey returns to speaking in English]
It seems that every day we’re
reminded that we live in an era of great power rivalry, that the rules
based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the
weak must suffer what they must.
And this aphorism of
Thucydides is presented as inevitable, as the natural logic of
international relations reasserting itself.
And faced with this logic,
there is a strong tendency for countries to go along to get along, to
accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.
Well, it won’t.
So, what are our options?
In 1978, the Czech dissident
Vaclav Havel, later president, wrote an essay called The Power of the
Powerless, and in it, he asked a simple question: how did the communist
system sustain itself?
And his answer began with a
greengrocer.
Every morning, this shopkeeper
places a sign in his window: 'Workers of the world unite'. He doesn't
believe it, no-one does, but he places a sign anyway to avoid trouble,
to signal compliance, to get along. And because every shopkeeper on
every street does the same, the system persist - not through violence
alone, but through the participation of ordinary people in rituals they
privately know to be false.
Havel called this "living
within a lie".
The system's power comes not
from its truth, but from everyone's willingness to perform as if it were
true, and its fragility comes from the same source. When even one person
stops performing, when the greengrocer removes his sign, the illusion
begins to crack. Friends, it is time for companies and countries to take
their signs down.
For decades, countries like
Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international
order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we
benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue
values-based foreign policies under its protection.
We knew the story of the
international rules-based order was partially false that the strongest
would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced
asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying
rigour depending on the identity of the accosed or the victim.
This fiction was useful, and
American hegemony, in particular, helped provide public goods, open sea
lanes, a stable financial system, collective security and support for
frameworks for resolving disputes.
So, we placed the sign in the
window. We participated in the rituals, and we largely avoided calling
out the gaps between rhetoric and reality.
This bargain no longer works.
Let me be direct. We are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.
Over the past two decades, a
series of crises in finance, health, energy and geopolitics have laid
bare the risks of extreme global integration. But more recently, great
powers have begun using economic integration as weapons, tariffs as
leverage, financial infrastructure as coercion, supply chains as
vulnerabilities to be exploited.
You cannot live within the lie
of mutual benefit through integration, when integration becomes the
source of your subordination.
The multilateral institutions
on which the middle powers have relied - the WTO, the UN, the COP - the
architecture, the very architecture of collective problem solving are
under threat.
And as a result, many
countries are drawing the same conclusions that they must develop
greater strategic autonomy, in energy, food, critical minerals, in
finance and supply chains.
And this impulse is
understandable. A country that can't feed itself, fuel itself or defend
itself, has few options. When the rules no longer protect you, you must
protect yourself.
But let's be clear eyed about
where this leads.
A world of fortresses will be
poorer, more fragile and less sustainable. And there is another truth.
If great powers abandon even the pretense of rules and values for the
unhindered pursuit of their power and interests, he gains from
transactionalism will become harder to replicate.
Hegemons cannot continually
monetize their relationships.
Allies will diversify to hedge
against uncertainty.
They'll buy insurance,
increase options in order to rebuild sovereignty - sovereignty that was
once grounded in rules, but will increasingly be anchored in the ability
to withstand pressure.
This room knows this is
classic risk management. Risk management comes at a price, but that cost
of strategic autonomy, of sovereignty can also be shared.
Have you read?
・ In pictures: World leaders,
top CEOs gather at Davos 2026
・ Europe at Davos 2026: Higher
stakes and an outward embrace
・ North America at Davos 2026:
Trump, Carney and a changing world
Collective investments in
resilience are cheaper than everyone building their own fortresses.
Shared standards reduce
fragmentations. Complementarities are positive sum. And the question for
middle powers like Canada is not whether to adapt to the new reality -
we must.
The question is whether we
adapt by simply building higher walls, or whether we can do something
more ambitious.
Now Canada was amongst the
first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our
strategic posture.
Canadians know that our old
comfortable assumptions that our geography and alliance memberships
automatically conferred prosperity and security - that assumption is no
longer valid. And our new approach rests on what Alexander Stubb, the
President of Finland, has termed "value-based realism".
Or, to put another way, we aim
to be both principled and pragmatic - principled in our
commitment to fundamental values, sovereignty, territorial integrity,
the prohibition of the use of force, except when consistent with the UN
Charter, and respect for human rights, and pragmatic and recognizing
that progress is often incremental, that interests diverge, that not
every partner will share all of our values.
So, we're engaging broadly,
strategically with open eyes. We actively take on the world as it is,
not wait around for a world we wish to be.
We are calibrating our
relationships, so their depth reflects our values, and we're
prioritizing broad engagement to maximize our influence, given and given
the fluidity of the world at the moment, the risks that this poses and
the stakes for what comes next.
And we are no longer just
relying on the strength of our values, but also the value of our
strength.
We are building that strength
at home.
Since my government took
office, we have cut taxes on incomes, on capital gains and business
investment. We have removed all federal barriers to interprovincial
trade. We are fast tracking a trillion dollars of investments in energy,
AI, critical minerals, new trade corridors and beyond. We're doubling
our defence spending by the end of this decade, and we're doing so in
ways that build our domestic industries.
And we are rapidly
diversifying abroad. We have agreed a comprehensive strategic
partnership with the EU, including joining SAFE, the European defence
procurement arrangements. We have signed 12 other trade and security
deals on four continents in six months. The past few days, we've
concluded new strategic partnerships with China and Qatar. We're
negotiating free trade pacts with India, ASEAN, Thailand, Philippines
and Mercosur.
We're doing something else. To
help solve global problems, we're pursuing variable geometry, in other
words, different coalitions for different issues based on common values
and interests. So, on Ukraine, we're a core member of the Coalition of
the Willing and one of the largest per capita contributors to its
defence and security.
On Arctic sovereignty, we
stand firmly with Greenland and Denmark, and fully support their unique
right to determine Greenland's future.
Our commitment to NATO's
Article 5 is unwavering, so we're working with our NATO allies,
including the Nordic Baltic Gate, to further secure the alliance's
northern and western flanks, including through Canada's unprecedented
investments in over-the-horizon radar, in submarines, in aircraft and
boots on the ground, boots on the ice.
Canada strongly opposes
tariffs over Greenland and calls for focused talks to achieve our shared
objectives of security and prosperity in the Arctic.
On plurilateral trade, we're
championing efforts to build a bridge between the Trans Pacific
Partnership and the European Union, which would create a new trading
bloc of 1.5 billion people. On critical minerals, we're forming buyers'
clubs anchored in the G7 so the world can diversify away from
concentrated supply. And on AI, we're cooperating with like-minded
democracies to ensure that we won't ultimately be forced to choose
between hegemons and hyper-scalers.
This is not native
multilateralism, nor is it relying on their institutions. It's building
coalitions that work - issues by issue, with partners who share enough
common ground to act together.
In some cases, this will be the
vast majority of nations.
What it's doing is creating a
dense web of connections across trade, investment, culture, on which we
can draw for future challenges and opportunities.
Argue, the middle powers must
act together, because if we're not at the table, we're on the menu.
But I'd also say that great
powers, great powers can afford for now to go it alone. They have the
market size, the military capacity and the leverage to dictate terms.
Middle powers do not.
But when we only negotiate
bilaterally with a hegemon, we negotiate from weakness. We accept what's
offered. We compete with each other to be the most accommodating.
This is not sovereignty. It's
the performance of sovereignty while accepting subordination. In a world
of great power rivalry, the countries in between have a choice - compete
with each other for favour, or to combine to create a third path with
impact.
We shouldn't allow the rise of
hard power to blind us to the fact that the power of legitimacy,
integrity and rules will remain strong, if we choose to wield them
together - which brings me back to Havel.
What does it mean for middle
powers to live the truth?
First, it means naming
reality. Stop invoking rules-based international order as though it
still functions as advertised. Call it what it is - a system of
intensifying great power rivalry, where the most powerful pursue their
interests, using economic integration as coercion.
It means acting consistently,
applying the same standards to allies and rivals. When middle powers
criticize economic intimidation from one direction, but stay silent when
it comes from another, we are keeping the sign in the window.
It means building what we
claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be
restored. It means creating institutions and agreements that function as
described. And it means reducing the leverage that enables coercion -
that's building a strong domestic economy. It should be every
government's immediate priority.
And diversification
internationally is not just economic prudence, it's a material
foundation for honest foreign policy, because countries earn the right
to principled stands by reducing their vulnerability to retaliation.
Have you read?
・ Over 60 heads of state
gathered at Davos 2026. Here's what they had to say
・ 4 takeaways from Davos 2026:
New deals, a reckoning, dialogue and more questions than answers
・ 5 questions to Larry Fink
and Andre Hoffman at Davos 2026
So Canada. Canada has what the
world wants. We are an energy superpower. We hold vast reserves of
critical minerals. We have the most educated population in the world.
Our pension funds are amongst the world's largest and most sophisticated
investors. In other words, we have capital, talent... we also have a
government with immense fiscal capacity to act decisively. And we have
the values to which many others aspire.
Canada is a pluralistic
society that works. Our public square is loud, diverse and free.
Canadians remain committed to
sustainability. We are a stable and reliable partner in a world that is
anything but.. A partner that builds and values relationships for the
long term.
And we have something else.
We have a recognition of what's happening and a determination to act
accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than
adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.
We are taking the sign out of
the window. We know the old order is not coming back. We shouldn't mourn
it. Nostalgia is not a strategy, but we believe that from the fracture,
we can build something bigger, better, stronger, more just. This is the
task of the middle powers, the countries that have the most to lose from
a world of fortresses and most to gain from genuine cooperation.
The powerful have their power.
But we have something too -
the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength
at home and to act together.
That is Canada's path. We
choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any
country willing to take it with us. Thank you very much.
| (注) | 1. |
上記のカナダのカーニー首相がダボス会議(世界経済フォーラム年次総会)でおこなった演説は、WORLD ECONOMIC
FORUM のホームページから書き写したものです。書き写しに誤りがあるかもしれませんのでご注意ください。 お気づきの点をお知らせくだされば幸いです。 |
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| 2. |
この演説の日本語訳は、カナダ政府の和訳が出ていますので、そちらをご覧ください。 → カナダ政府の公式ウェブサイト『カナダca.』 →「原則と現実ーカナダの進む道」(カーニー首相の世界経済フォーラム年次総会における演説・和訳) |